Breaking news;'It's wrong to lock down an entire city,' says MK Meir Porush and Tucker Carlson on the incredible popularity of Black Lives Matters and The Complex Anti-Nationalistic Zionism Of James Michener By Saul Jay Singer and Daniel Greenfield interviewed on the topic of When a Farrakhan supporter leads a BLM march thru Jewish areas that get looted, it's reverse-racism and Rabbi Wein is back in Jerusalem giving classes on Zoom and the Peace the Shabbat Candles bring to the home
Yehuda Lave is an author, journalist, psychologist, rabbi, spiritual teacher, and coach, with degrees in business, psychology and Jewish Law. He works with people from all walks of life and helps them in their search for greater happiness, meaning, business advice on saving money, and spiritual engagement. Now also a Blogger on the Times of Israel. Look for my column
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On Friday mornings for many years, Rabbi Wein used to give a Parsha class at his synagogue Beit Hanasi at 10:30 Am. I used to tape it for him He is back in town but the class is now on Zoom on Thursday afternoon at 5. Catch it. Of course now that it is on Zoom, I don't need to tape it anymore
Shabbat candles are lit to bring Peace to the Home
Shabbat candles are lit to bring in the Shabbat on Friday night. At least two candles are lit, although many people light more, with two candles representing the two versions of the commandment to celebrate Shabbat found in the ten commandments: one time using the Hebrew word shamor (keep) and one time using the word Hebrew zachor (remember).
Although the Shabbat will come in automatically, the Jewish person is instructing to bring in or take on oneself the Shabbat. This is done by the woman by physically lighting the candles before the Shabbat comes in by 20 minutes. In Jerusalem, because of the extra holiness here, we bring it in 40 minutes before the actual, in order to contemplate and appreciate the Shabbat. When we rush until the last minute and don't light the candles early we are creating a stressful time instead of a peaceful time. The man accepts the Shabbat during his prayer at the synagogue.
Candles are lit for the purpose of Shalom Bayit (peace in the house) and Oneg Shabbat (Shabbat pleasure), since without the light of the candles, the family would not be able to see or enjoy their Shabbat dinner. The candles are therefore traditionally lit on the dining room table or in the room where the meal will be eaten. The procedure for lighting Shabbat candles includes reciting the blessing for the candles, which officially initiates Shabbat. The candles are usually lit by the women of the family, and while reciting the blessing they traditionally stretch their arms to hide the flames.
Lighting the Shabbat candles is one of the special mitzvot for women (although men are also obligated to light).
Why is this important mitzvah assigned to women? Because it is light, and that is the essence of a woman.
It is the woman who brings light into the home, providing the atmosphere in which she, her husband, and her children can live and prosper. The tone, the feel, the look... it is from her. When she is happy and positive, even the most depressed husband or tired child will absorb her energy and be lifted. When she is not, there is no true Shabbat only the motions. The Shabbat comes according to the time, it is up to the Jew to bring it in.
And, to the contrary, if she is unhappy and the home has a feeling of negativity, it can affect the whole family. She is the core of the family unit. It is the power of the Jewish woman, for it is the woman who sanctifies space.
Historically, it was the Jewish women, not the men, who agreed to accept the Torah first at Mount Sinai. And today, it is the woman who transmits the essence of our Jewish heritage into every home.
So this is how the Shabbat begins, with special light; special understanding as to who we are and why we are here. Shabbat is our time to connect with God; when we stop creating in order to recognize that there is a Creator. The entire week we are caught up in a hectic pace, where it is easy to think only of personal accomplishments and individual achievements.
Yet, once the candles are lit, it is time for the love of God; remembering that everything is from Him, and of course love for our mate.
It takes but a few seconds to do, but it is by far one of the deepest expressions of the Jewish soul: to recognize the Almighty and appreciate this special gift that He has given to us all -- a gift we call Shabbat.
'It's wrong to lock down an entire city,' says MK Meir Porush
MK Porush: Because of a few dozen virus cases, 50 thousand haredi residents of Elad are in lockdown.
"Imposing a lockdown on an entire city is wrong," Porush said. "It's much worse than using the ISA [Shabak] to do contact-tracing," a policy which has been extremely controversial in the past, with many claiming it breaches individual privacy.
Porush noted that although several dozen coronavirus cases have been diagnosed in Elad, no thorough investigation has been conducted to see where they are clustered. Instead, an entire city of almost 50 thousand people has been subjected to strict closure regulations.
"Imposing lockdowns on entire towns is simply not the right way to go about things," Porush said. "In Elad, they didn't bother to check to see where the few dozen cases were located. They just took the whole city as one, and cut it off from the outside world. There must be entire streets there, and maybe entire neighborhoods, that don't have even one case of coronavirus, and why should they be subject to a lockdown?"
Early in the epidemic, excessive media attention paid to the haredi city of Bnei Brak where a high number of coronavirus cases was detected resulted in multiple demonstrations of anti-haredi feeling, with haredim being demonized for "spreading the virus," harking back to Medieval themes of anti-Semitic blood libels in connection to the plague. Many felt that the haredim were being unfairly targeted, something which Porush alluded to. "I don't know what they are trying to achieve with this policy," he said. "It is incredibly damaging to the haredi community, and if this was someone's deliberate intent, he should be made to pay the price."
Ideas, that help explain how the world works-OSHA SAYS MASKS DON'T WORK -- AND VIOLATE OSHA OXYGEN LEVELS -- The Healthy American, Peggy Hall
Daniel Greenfield interviewed as When a Farrakhan supporter leads a BLM march thru Jewish areas that get looted, it's reverse-racism
http://JooTube.TV Journalist, "Sultan Knish" addresses the Black Nationalist agendas behind Black Lives Matter-L.A. that both the mainstream press and Jewish leaders wish to disregard.
Tucker on the incredible popularity of Black Lives Matter
Tucker on the incredible popularity of Black Lives Matter--It is the most popular political party!
He says violence trumps voting--Is it any wonder how Hitler came to power using violence?
The Complex Anti-Nationalistic Zionism Of James Michener By Saul Jay Singer
James Albert Michener (1907-97) is best known for his many epic historical novels, which have sold an estimated 75 million copies worldwide.
Virtually all his novels were based on detailed historical, cultural, and even geological research, including Centennial (on the historical development of Colorado); Texas (on the struggle for freedom from Mexico and the battle for the Alamo); Journey (on the Klondike gold fever of 1897); Caribbean (on the slavery, power, politics, and social economic status of the ancient Caribbean Indian civilization); Chesapeake (on 400 years of history on Maryland's eastern shore); The Covenant (on South Africa); Hawaii; Space; The Bridges at Toko-Ri; and Poland. He also wrote books about Japanese art, sports, and the Electoral College.
Michener's writing career began during World War II when, as a lieutenant commander in the U.S. Navy, he was assigned to the South Pacific as a naval historian; he later turned his notes and impressions into Tales of the South Pacific, his first book, for which he was awarded the Pulitzer Prize for Fiction (1948). The beloved musical by Rogers and Hammerstein, "South Pacific," was based on his book.
Michener also devoted much time to politics and public service: he campaigned for various political candidates, most particularly John F. Kennedy; he ran a losing Pennsylvania congressional campaign (1962); and he served as secretary of the Pennsylvania Constitutional Convention (1968), as a member of the NASA Advisory Council (1979-83), and as Richard Nixon's correspondent during the president's 1972 trips to the Soviet Union and China.
His many honors and awards included honorary doctorates in five different fields and the Medal of Freedom, the United States' highest civilian award. He was also a noted philanthropist, contributing more than $100 million to universities, libraries, museums, and other charitable causes.
Michener's most ambitious and memorable novel may have been The Source, a story that takes place at "Tel Makor," a fictional archaeological mound near the Sea of Galilee, broadly understood by experts to be an amalgamation of archaeological digs at Megiddo, Gezer, Hazor, Jericho, and other locations. Through an exploration of the discoveries by modern archaeologists excavating the site, detailed fictional accounts of the characters and events through history, and an analysis of the artifacts dug up there, he tells the story of 15 different eras and traces the history of Israel from the dawn of man to the birth of the modern state.
A powerful and compelling saga that has withstood the test of time, The Source is more than a mere history of Eretz Yisrael. Rather, as one critic cogently put it, it also encompasses the development of Western civilization and the great religious and cultural ideas that have shaped our world.
According to Michener, he was inspired to write The Source during a 1963 visit to Eretz Yisrael when, during a stay at the Dan Carmel Hotel in Haifa, he visited a Crusader castle in Atlit; he recalled, "As I stood in the dungeon of that ancient fortress, with the shadowy forms of warriors long dead moving in the dust, I suddenly conceived my entire novel."
In his biography, however, he presents a related but somewhat different story in which three men, including "the future mayor of Jerusalem" (probably Teddy Kollek, who was first elected mayor in 1965), cornered him and urged him to write a novel about Eretz Yisrael similar to Hawaii. As Michener tells it, he initially protested on the grounds that the story "should not be written by a gentile" and that there were competent Jewish writers suitable to the task, but they ultimately convinced him to write the book.
* * * * *
Jacob Baal-Teshuva, a noted authority on Marc Chagall and one of the most distinguished international editors, appraisers, and critics of modern and contemporary art, served as the editor of The Mission of Israel, a collection of essays contributed by various well-known public figures across a broad spectrum of disciplines. He asked Michener to contribute an essay for his book.
In this January 25, 1964 correspondence to The Jewish World Monthly, Michener notes that Ma'ariv published the piece that Baal-Teshuva wants to use and that he must therefore receive permission from the Israeli newspaper to "reprint their property." Michener adds that he would have given his "warmest consent" for the use of the article.
One of the best expressions of Michener's support for Israel may have been a forceful and compelling letter to the editor of the New York Review of Books, published in the September 28, 1967 issue, in which he wrote:
In my extended discussions with Arabs in various lands the following words have been thrown at me by even moderate men: "Assassination, the night of the long knives, complete annihilation, throwing the state and its people into the Mediterranean, crushing, killing, murdering, wiping out" and a score of other threats less final in meaning but equally destructive in result. This is the constant threnody of the Arab, public as well as secret, official as well as private…
On the other hand, during my extensive stays in Israel when eight and ten hours a day were spent in debate, argument and probing, I never once heard any Israeli, from taxi driver to prime minister, make a physical threat against the Arabs who occupied the surrounding countries. Murder was not once spoken of, nor massacre, nor annihilation, nor even injustice. I stress this fact because it pinpoints the moral difference existing between the two contenders.
It seems to me there is a moral difference between the president of an Arab state's publicly proclaiming that he is shortly going to launch a massacre of all Jews in the area and a private confession by an unwilling Jew that if such massacre is attempted, he will have to resist…
Bluntly, if Arab armies had won the war as completely as Jewish armies did, there would have been in all probability (and here I am extrapolating from the published statements of Arab leaders) a massacre of some three or four hundred thousand Jews…. A sovereign state would have been annihilated, a civilization crushed, and two million surviving Jews tossed upon the world emigration market.
Nonetheless, despite his obviously heartfelt affection for Israel and notwithstanding the lyric quality of The Source, Michener was an extreme leftist and anti-nationalist who was a powerful advocate for the Palestinian position in its propaganda war against Israel. In particular, he rejected all facts and logic in arguing that the Palestinian refugee problem is entirely Israel's fault and that it is therefore Israel's responsibility to solve the refugee problem and to achieve rapprochement with its Arab enemies "regardless of cost."
He supported Israel, but held it responsible for failing to address the refugee problem as well as failing to enter into a peace agreement with the Arabs. He characterized the Palestinian "quick defeat" in 1967 as a "crushing blow" that understandably led many of the Palestinian youth to join Al Fatah; he characterized the perpetrators of terrorist activities of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine as "patriotic young men"; and he said he understood how Israel's failure to solve the refugee problem led to desperation and a strong desire for revenge that produced the Fedayeen.
Moreover, he blamed the civil war in Jordan and the hijacking and destruction of international airliners by Palestinian refugees on the failure of Israel to provide justice for the Palestinian people. He further demanded not only that Israel immediately repatriate all Arab refugees displaced during the Six-Day War, but also that it offer financial compensation to every Arab who was dispossessed in 1948 – supported in part by Israel's military budget and "the Jews of the entire world."
Michener laid out his rejection of Israel's position vis-à-vis the Palestinians in an important September 27, 1970 New York Times Magazine article in which he discussed how, prior to the Six-Day War of 1967, he had spent time in a desolate and hideous refugee camp near Jericho, which he described as a collection of tents and shacks that had no paved roads, water system, sewage disposal, schools or hospitals – a "great scandal" that was somehow Israel's fault.
He sounded nonchalant about being told by a Palestinian youth, "In two years or three years, we are going to march into Israel and slaughter every Jew. We shall go directly to Haifa and drive into the sea any who have escaped." He did not react with shock and disgust when boys in the refugee camp asserted that, given the opportunity, they would invade Israel and kill every Jew.
In his above-cited letter to the New York Review of Books, Michener characterized as "specious" the Arab argument that while Israel expelled the Arabs because the Jews had no practical use for them, the expulsion of Jews from Arab lands was proper because the expelled Jews made important contributions to Israel. He wrote that Arab refugees left Israel "in the heat of war," but the Arab countries dumped their Jews "callously in cold blood in times of peace." Moreover, as he explained, the Arab nations could have absorbed Palestinian refugees and thereby solved the "refugee problem" the same way that Israel absorbed and integrated Jewish refugees from Arab countries.
Yet, in his New York Times Magazine article, he excused the Arab failure to repatriate and characterized their willingness to exploit their own people as "a conscious political gamble" shrewdly designed to exert international pressure on Israel and that, in any case, the real fault lies with Israel for occupying "Arab lands."
In this context, he seems to justify the Palestinian rejection of what he otherwise admits was a "generous" November 29, 1947 United Nations Partition Plan for Palestine and does not challenge the Palestinian argument that since Eretz Yisrael belongs entirely to them, the UN lacks the authority to give anything to anybody.
Turning to the "bitterly contested" question of whether the Arabs fled from their lands, as Israel argues, or were expelled by the Israelis, as the Arabs claim, Michener considers the question "idiotic" because the original owners were "the ancient Canaanites, all subsequent visitors being interlopers."
With a single-minded focus on Palestinian refugees and impermeable to reality and facts on the ground, he concludes that the resolution of this question is, in any event, irrelevant because "the only moral issue which need concern us is that refugees are rotting in camps."
Michener writes, "I have grown especially impatient with Jewish arguments that Israel was never an Arab land, and, more specifically, never under the governance of Palestinians." In taking this position, he fails to answer, let alone address, the basic questions which Arabists and pundits never want to discuss, even today:
If there was a historical "Palestinian" nation, when did it begin, when did it cease to exist, and what caused its demise? What were its boundaries, what was its form of government, and who were its leaders? (In particular, can anyone name a single "Palestinian" leader before Arafat who, by the way, was an Egyptian?) What was the nature of its commerce, its international and intergovernmental relations, and the structure of its society? In short, where are any indicia that such a state or government ever existed?
Michener contends that Israel must pay reparations to Palestinians, notwithstanding Israeli arguments that there are many Jewish refugees from Yemen, Egypt, Iraq, Syria, and Morocco, to name only a few Arab countries that have expelled large portions of their Jewish populations and that, as such, the considerable wealth left behind by these Jews should be deducted from what Israel allegedly owes the Arab refugees.
He counters that these amounts are "unquantifiable" and, almost unbelievably, cites Arab arguments that they did Israel a favor by expelling all these Jews because Israel needed them to populate an empty land and work in industry to develop Israel's economy. Again, Michener considers this entire issue "irrelevant and nonproductive," and his single-minded emphasis is on the Arab refugees.
Michener's criticism of Israel went much further than blaming the country for the Palestinian refugee issue. He vehemently opposed what he characterized as Israel's "theocracy" which "held Israel in its grip," and he wrote of witnessing the agony of American Jews who seek to marry in Israel: "I understood why so many young Israelis are atheists."
Moreover, he unreservedly supported the Israeli Supreme Court judge who charged that Israel's laws concerning the parentage of Jews were similar to the Nuremburg laws of Hitler, and he criticized both the Israeli press for "abusing" that judge and the Knesset for threatening to impeach him.
He vehemently criticized Israel after the 1967 war for choosing as its spokesman General Moshe Dayan: "It was bad enough to have a military man posturing before the world as the philosophical leader of Judaism, but it grew worse when he spoke vengefully and as an uncomplicated nationalist." Dayan was most likely the model for General Teddy Reich in The Source (though Teddy lost an arm, not an eye like Dayan).